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Showing posts with label democracy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label democracy. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 02, 2008

Call for Nominations - The 10 Who Are Changing the World of Politics and Internet

"The on and off-line worlds of politics are no longer separate realities...the leaders on the web are leading the world."
- Phil Noble, founder of PoliticsOnline


PoliticsOnline and the the World eDemocracy Forum are proud to open the call for nominations of the Top 10 Who Are Changing the World of Internet and Politics. For the ninth year in a row, PoliticsOnline subscribers and visitors from around the world will help select the top 10 individuals, organizations and companies having the greatest impact on the way the Internet is changing politics.




The winners will be invited as honored guests to the the World eDemocracy Forum on October 16-17, 2008, in Issy-les-Moulineaux (Paris, France), where they'll take part in an awards ceremony and other special programs throughout the two-day forum.

This prestigious award seeks to recognize the innovators and pioneers - those who blaze new e-political trails everyday, the dreamers and doers who bring democracy online. But we need your help to nominate honorees. If you know of someone or something deserving recognition, send in your nomination today.

Criteria:

* Highly effective leaders who are making outstanding e-political and e-governmental achievements
* Forward thinking organizations that have led the way in this revolution
* Innovative ideas or strategies that have forever changed the political process

You can submit a nomination by filling out a form at PoliticsOnline.com, asking for a brief statement (200 words or less) describing the person and or institution, and why he/she/it/they deserves recognition. Be sure to include all necessary URL's.

A "Top 10 nominee list" will be published July 28, from which voters will be asked to select the final top 10.

Visit PoliticsOnline for examples of past winners.

Submit your nominations now

The deadline for nominations is July 21, 2008.

email: editor@politicsonline.com
web: http://www.PoliticsOnline.com
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Saturday, June 14, 2008

Corky Evans, "The Big Lie," November 4, 2007.

This week our MLA, Corky Evans, announced that he wouldn't run again for the Provincial Legislature. There were articles in the newspapers that touched the conventional bases--the dates, positions he has filled, his accomplishments--with all the predictability of an obituary. At Kootenay Coop Radio we interviewed him at least twice that I know of.

I don't mean to criticize. It's just that all the formalities have been accomplished. Now we must observe 1) that the struggle he has articulated so eloquently and fought so passionately has barely started, and 2) Corky is retiring; he's not dead.

Here are a couple of current items he made sure were on the public agenda. Corky reminds us that "We need dialogue more than hope. We need to see the lie in order to name it and we need to name it in order to talk about it." I agree. -jlt

Metaphorically speaking, I'm wondering if we, in the passing of laws this afternoon without due process, are not turning our profession, too, into a kind of theatre intended to create the illusion of parliamentary democracy in substitute for its fact. If that be true, I wonder who will do this work in future.
Corky Evans, MLA
May 28, 2008


“Your governments and mine, Corky, were rich or poor according to the price of what we had to sell, like coal or lumber or electricity or gas. When prices were good we ran surpluses and people were happy. When prices were poor we ran deficits and cut services and people hated us. Campbell doesn’t need to care about the price of what we produce on the farm. He is selling off the farm, itself, piece by piece, and running government on the cash flow he gets from the auction of our assets.”
Anon


The Big Lie


Corky Evans, MLA for Nelson Creston Constituency, wrote the following letter on November 4, 2007 to inspire thoughtful dialogue. Originally posted as a blog, it has now been archived here.

Back a few years, before the election of 2005, I was working in the town of Nakusp. Walking down the street one day, I ran into a guy I used to know who has served many years as a Social Credit Cabinet Minister.

It was winter and, in winter in Nakusp, pretty much everyone you meet on the street is someone who lives there. The unlikely meeting of two historical political combatants on the streets of a little town on the Arrow Lakes made for a sense that we were on neutral turf. We struck up a conversation more personal than public.

He asked me if I would run for office again and then, surprisingly, he almost begged me to re-enter politics. I knew this fellow by virtue of our mutual years as enemies, so I asked him why he cared.

His answer surprised me. I am only now beginning to understand. He said, “Because Campbell is running the worst government in history and we have to bring him down before he destroys British Columbia.”

“We?” I thought. This SoCred icon and me are now “we”? This was interesting and I wanted to know what might have caused such a shift. I suggested we go for a walk and I steered us to the empty waterside walkway where I was pretty sure we would be alone in the wind and he might be inclined to tell me what had caused such a conversion in alliance.

“I like this new life,” I said. “Why should I go back into the chaos we both know is public life? Why is Campbell, as you describe, the “worst” government in history?”

He said, “Your Party and my Party have always fought over who should run the province, who should work for us, and how much we should pay them. We did not fight over whose land this was, though, because we agreed, everyone agreed: It belongs to us.”

“We own it from the electrical power system to the trees to the bridges and the railroad. Campbell doesn’t believe what we believed. He believes the idea of public ownership, of the concept of the Crown, is a failed idea that needs to be dismantled.”

“Your governments and mine, Corky, were rich or poor according to the price of what we had to sell, like coal or lumber or electricity or gas. When prices were good we ran surpluses and people were happy. When prices were poor we ran deficits and cut services and people hated us. Campbell doesn’t need to care about the price of what we produce on the farm. He is selling off the farm, itself, piece by piece, and running government on the cash flow he gets from the auction of our assets.”

“I am from the business community; the “old” business community. We like to build commercial enterprises and make money. We believe in our right to do work and make a profit. Campbell isn’t interested in whether or not British Columbia business makes a profit. He is interested in selling the businesses, not running them. If this is allowed to continue, both your Party, and the people who do work, and my Party, and the people who run businesses, will be working for people we don’t know making decisions we don’t understand because we no longer own the province.”

I am chagrined to admit that I didn’t believe my newfound political ally. I had fought his kind all my adult life and I was not paying much attention to parliamentary affairs. I pretty much decided he must have been just talking out of sour grapes because his era in power had been eclipsed and his Party had been destroyed by Liberals and he missed the limelight. We made small talk for a while as I led us back to the main street where we had met. We said good-bye. I returned to my life and my job and the much less lofty preoccupations that had normally filled my days.

That was four years ago.

Lately, I have come to understand that I had been given a short course in the “realpolitic” of British Columbia and I had, at the time, no idea how real and how wise were the words my former SoCred newfound friend had spoken.

More and more I think we live in an illusion: a lie, even.

When I was a kid I was late home from school a lot. I liked to play ball in the park and I would miss dinner and then make up some story to cover my behaviour. One night my dad ran out of patience with my excuses and said, “Corky, if you are going to tell me a lie, don’t tell me a little one that I can understand and figure out. Tell me a whopper that is too big for me to comprehend and poke holes in.”

It was many years before I understood that my dad was really talking about the Joe McCarthy era he had just lived through, and not my little stories about why I was late for dinner.

I am reminded of that lecture all the time now as I realize, more and more, how Campbell has governed and why my SoCred mentor was so right in his analysis.

Remember those early years of this century? Remember how we were consumed, sometimes almost daily, by the savage cuts to seniors’ services and child care and government workers and every possible sector of human services?

While we were reeling from change, and two lonely women in the legislature were trying to hold up the whole sky by themselves, the Liberals were quietly dismantling the very idea of what “is” British Columbia. And only now is it even beginning to sink in.

I was stunned into huge depression last year by my failure to save Formosa Nursery (in Maple Ridge) from the stupidity of being cut in two by a road that for 40 years has been planned to run next to, not through, their farm.

When I first met the farmers and saw their trouble, I thought, “No problem. This is too stupid to happen. We will fix this.” Only after months of failure to “fix” the mess did it sink in that the road could not be moved back to where it belonged, even if the municipalities and the ALC and the Ministry of Highways wanted to move it off the farm, because the Province had, literally, sold the road to a private company. The people we trust to run the Province no longer controlled the outcome of their own decisions.

About the same time as we were dealing with Formosa, the woman who sells feed for animals in my village yelled at me that we “politicians” were destroying her business. I told her I had no idea what she was talking about. She explained that there was some law that was making it illegal to raise pigs or chickens or cows for farm gate sale, so her customers weren’t raising animals, so she couldn’t sell feed and it was “the politicians’” fault.

I told her, just as I had told Ting and Risa, that I was sure she was wrong and I would figure out what the misunderstanding was. How could it be illegal to do what we had always done? If she were right, it would be like making it illegal to breathe or eat or live.

Sure enough, it turned out that back in 2003, when nobody was looking, with no debate, Campbell and the big companies had quietly passed a law, that would not take effect until after a provincial election (so it could not become an election issue), that it would be a criminal act to sell meat to your neighbour.

Then I attended a meeting in Vernon, of people from the length of the Okanagan from Anarchist Mountain to Kamloops who were all in a struggle with trespassers digging up their land and diverting their streams. I learned at the meeting that the laws of trespass had changed, too, and now it was okay to invade someone’s property if you had a Free Miner’s permit. This time I was not so dumb as to say, “This can’t be true” in public, but I thought it inside my head. When the rules are the rules for your whole life, and you believe in the rules, it is hard to imagine that we could now be living under different rules without even knowing what had happened.

(When my kids were little, I remember attending a lecture on parenting, where the expert told us: “The way to make your children crazy is to change the rules as you go along. If the same action on the kid’s part has different outcomes, they will not have any idea what is okay and is not okay. They will learn that “authority” is really just power, and the definition of “Okay” is whatever they can get away with and the definition of “Not okay” is whatever they get caught at.”)

Then, last spring, I was asked to visit a farmer in Delta I had known years ago when we, as government, had returned his expropriated land. The farmer showed me a letter from BC Rail re-expropriating his land to accommodate a new port development at Tsawwassen.

It was hard not to believe him, standing as I was in his potato field and holding the letter. In this case, something that I had, personally, tried to make right was being undone to accomplish a massive industrial development that had, originally, been stopped 30 years ago by Dave Barrett’s government.

In trying to learn about my farmer friend’s troubles, I became educated about the Tsawwassen Treaty, the “Gateway” project to add $7 billion worth of roads (through farmland) in the GVRD and the plan to pave farmland to make a parking lot for containers from Asia to accommodate the transfer of goods to big box stores in Central Canada.

Now my father’s words about the “Big Lie” were coming back to me on a daily basis, sometimes hourly.

Now we are coming to the part that affects my friends in the Arrow Lakes Region. A month or more ago, one of you said to me, “There is a rumour in Nakusp that Pope and Talbot is going to sell their private lands in TFL 23.” And I said, “That cannot happen. Nobody can sell the private land component of a contract with the Crown, without breaking the contract and losing the Crown land.”

For the first week I was so sure I was right that I forgot to ask anybody what was really happening. How could I be wrong? I have worked in the Forest Industry or in Government all of my adult life. This isn’t a case of not understanding “The rules”. The rules are the same for every rancher with a grazing lease or logger with a woodlot. If you sell off your private land, you lose your access to Crown land. Period. Most of those rules were put in place by Social Credit a half a century ago, to make an economy and to ensure that both private and public land would be managed according to some kind of plan and not exploited by any owner or government.

And then, when the Regional Director and the Mayor of Nakusp asked me about the same rumour, I wrote to the Minister of Forests to ask him what was going on. When he didn’t answer, I began to listen to other MLA’s talking about similar land sales out of Tree Farm Licenses on Vancouver Island and, together, we asked questions in the Legislature. Sometimes the Minister called us “Socialists” for suggesting that legal and social contracts were being broken. Sometimes he just was absent.

The upshot, of course, is that we learned that way back in 2003 Campbell changed the rules. Not for ranchers or woodlot owners or the little sawmills in the area, just for corporations. Now they can do anything they want. Full stop. They can sell the private land that they put up to make a contract with the Crown and the Crown will not withdraw their license to public land. Worse, their Tree Farm License with the people of BC is no longer a “right” that they receive as a contract from the people in exchange for jobs: Now it is a “property”, a “commodity” that they can sell for money to anyone they want any time they wish.

Do you begin to see how big this lie is? We, the citizens, have the illusion that we govern. We citizens have the illusion that we own the roads or the bridges or the crown land and that we manage those assets through the Legislature.

British Columbians have the illusion that we have protection for farmland and we manage that through the Agricultural Land Commission.

We have the illusion that if we buy property we have the right to exclude trespassers.

And those things are all true for the little people, the citizens of BC. They are even true for most of the businesses in BC that my SoCred friend spent his public life defending.

But they are not true for the super-rich, the corporate classes of the world who are, now, invited not so much to invest in BC as to pillage, legally, what used to be ours.

I want to close this letter with something hopeful. But it is hard and maybe even inappropriate to do so.

Two friends in the last year have talked to me about hope. The first one told me that hope and fear are opposite ends of the same emotion. If you have hope, she said, you will also have fear that your faith may be false, that you will fail; and fear is a bad place to start anything.

The second friend said it differently. He said my idea of hope was, in fact, a weakness because, if events did not unfold in the way that I “hoped”, I was made sad or angry or depressed, none of which leads to good leadership.

What I think, today, is that the huge lie that the Liberals tell - the lie that says that British Columbia is prosperous and that our prosperity is sustainable (while they sell the farm) and the lie that we live in a democracy that we control - needs to be exposed, not by me, but by a thousand thousand conversations between the people.

I think that historical differences between old SoCreds and new Greens and New Democrats have to be set aside for a while as we concentrate on what we have in common as the people who believe in and used to own this place.

I think the antipathy between union and non-union needs to take a rest while we focus on the rights of citizens.

In places like the Arrow Lakes, the wedge between those who log (in Nakusp) and those who work in the mills (in Castlegar) needs to be replaced with a dialogue about who owns this land and why we made rules about who holds the right to harvest the bounty of the land.

I think we need to talk about what a Government “is” before we talk about “who governs”. Government must be more than just a real estate function. Everyone who votes has a right to believe they elect a government, not a lackey to world powers called corporations.

We need dialogue more than hope. We need to see the lie in order to name it and we need to name it in order to talk about it.

I admit that the old SoCred on the street was right. I didn’t understand.

I admit that I was wrong to promise the farmers in Maple Ridge or the landowners in the Okanagan or any of you that I could fix what was broken. I did not even understand the changes: How could I have believed I could fix them?

We need to get this debate out of the Legislature and into our homes, churches and halls; and onto the street. We need to take it back - this province that is ours to manage for the future - before we raise a generation who didn’t even know we had it.
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Monday, June 09, 2008

Claus Schunke, "Response to poll about threats to democracy," June 9, 2008.

World Report – Threatening(!) Democracy

Nobody has come up with a clear picture of this mythical democracy – not even the Greeks – and certainly nobody ever has practiced this walking-into-the-sunset-together-happily system. So, at best, what we have today is that practiced by the USA, which attempts to shove it down everybody else’s throat in the process. American democracy in action – everywhere! We, the white male American people! Oh, Canada!

And when we look at this American-style democracy as such, we see a big problem. And when you talk about a variety of single, possibly most damaging, security threats to it – I say right on! Threaten away with all of them concurrently, and maybe something will shift, because we are not dealing with one item being more threatening than another. They were all created by one super-threatening source – American-style democracy. And thus terrorism was born.

If you are talking about equality-for-everybody-in-it, as Bill Moyers does in his Media-Reform-Conference speech, this can’t happen (corporate God-Bless-America won’t allow it!), all your possible contenders will need to be addressed together, as interlocking parts of a system – the whole thing has to be torn down and rebuilt. Communism looked at it, as has socialism, both major “threats” to American democracy because of their nature. Power to the people and all that - not nice!

This can’t be achieved from the top down, no trickling-down here; it needs to start from the bottom up. It has to be an individual effort within every individual’s parameters, here/now – we have to start caring for each other, instead of being motivated by material greed and emotional power, as demonstrated by the USA. Talking about solidarity and (remember?) the poor starving children in India is the feeling of safety of the weak in a (weak) group and “nimby”, the safety of distance.

When Bill Moyers told his audience everybody should look at the person to his left and shake his hand, then turn to the person on his right and shake his hand, there was great commotion, laughter in the audience. I believe that much of this came from their safe bubble being busted suddenly (from safe observer to unsafe participant) – they wouldn’t necessarily have shaken their neighbors’ hands if not told to do so. A reform-crowd. But Bill Moyers called this a connecting moment, whatever his exact words were. We did this 30 years ago in awareness groups, and we still feel as alone and unsafe as ever. Better dressed though. Newer car.

I believe – the greatest threat to democracy(concept) is democracy(reality).

Claus Schunke
Nelson BC
Canada
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Monday, June 02, 2008

David McNeill and Greg Vanderbilt, "Martyrs for peace," Japan Focus, May 31, 2008

“All we did was post fliers, the same as soba restaurants or pizza delivery shops and other services. Why are those people not arrested? Because we were posting antiwar leaflets. In other words, the political message is the problem. But what if we were distributing leaflets telling the SDF troops to keep going in Iraq? That would be fine, right? So we can only conclude that [the police] are selectively eliminating ideas they don’t agree with.”


Prisoners of conscience, communists, antiwar activists, martyrs for Japan’s tottering pacifist constitution: Obora Toshiyuki, Onishi Nobuhiro and Takada Sachimi have been called many things since February 2004.

In the world of right-wing bloggers, they represent the dying strains of a 60-year-old refrain: no matter how the world changes, Japan must stay out of international conflict and remain true to a yellowing document written under US occupation in 1947. For others, including supporters who contributed 3-4 million yen to their legal fees, they are the stubborn keepers of the antiwar flame, the personification of pacifist ideals in the face of huge odds.

This epic struggle received scant attention, however, in a Supreme Court ruling in April that convicted the three of trespassing in a Tachikawa Self-Defence Force (SDF) housing compound, says Obora. In a recent interview in the cramped makeshift office of a tiny antiwar group, Tachikawa Tent Village, he and Onishi shared their thoughts on the verdict.

Read the article and interview here =>
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Saturday, May 31, 2008

"Global voter participation falls," PoliticsOnline, May 30, 2008.

PoliticsOnline sends this "Stat of the Week" (May 30, 2008):

"Global voter turnout has fallen by almost 10% in the past decade. What affect will the Internet have on future voter turnout? BBC's World Have Your Say first asked this question in their blogpost, Can the Internet Make Democracy Work Better? Since it was posted on May 16, the blog has received many insightful comments on democracy and the Internet ranging from books on 'Netizens' to how we can defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan using the Net."

[Voter participation rates are commonly viewed as indicators of "voter apathy" or "taking democracy for granted." However, as early as the Kennedy-Nixon election, anarchist Paul Goodman proposed that when the choice is between one type of rat poison and another, the best option may be to refuse to vote. In Canada, the satirical Rhino party embraced the slogan, "Don't Vote. It only encourages them."

In a more serious vein, Gordon Campbell's effort to have a multiple choice referendum on the values that should be used in negotiating treaties with BC's indigenous peoples backfired when voters returned their ballots unmarked to local First Nations representatives.

Among some aboriginal sovereigntists, enfranchisement in general, and elected band councils in particular, are seen with good reason as having been forced on indigenous peoples, presumably as compensation for repudiating their own culture and political systems.

Some advocates of reformed democracy propose that, instead of mandatory voting, a "None of the above" option be routinely added to the ballot. -jlt
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Friday, May 23, 2008

Praful Bidwai, "Top Activist's Detention Blot on Democracy in India," IPS.

NEW DELHI, May 15 (IPS) - Protests are mounting all over the world against the year-long detention of Dr. Binayak Sen, a distinguished Indian human rights and health activist, under draconian laws in the central state of Chhattisgarh.

Sen, national vice president and Chhattisgarh general secretary of the well-known People's Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL), was arrested under allegations of helping left-wing extremists, known in this country as Naxalites.

The charges shocked human rights organisations and citizens’ groups, which on independent investigation, have found them totally fictitious. They believe that the Chhattisgarh government filed them to harass Sen and set a horribly negative example for all civil liberties activists and intimidate them.

Sen is probably India’s first human rights defender to have faced such prolonged detention.

Sen’s detention raises serious questions about the content and quality of democracy in India, and the state’s failure to respect liberties and fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution. It also points to links between human rights violations and the government’s social and economic policies.

[This article provides numerous points of entry into an understanding of the Adivasi movement in India, the program of the Salwa Judum paramilitaries, the Naxalites who are their targets. It goes on to describe global vigils and demonstrations on behalf of Dr Sen, and a campaign by 22 Nobel Laureates to have him freed. Anyone who sees India as a rising global power and the world's largest democracy will likely find this article interesting. Praful Bidwai writes a regular column for Antiwar.com.

Read the rest here =>

The People's Union for Civil Liberties is the largest and oldest human rights organization in India. Their most recent article about Dr. Sen

See also =>

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Wednesday, May 14, 2008

"You won't have your names when you ride the big airplane."

Goodbye to my Juan, goodbye, Rosalita,
Adios mis amigos, Jesus y Maria;
You won't have your names when you ride the big airplane,
All they will call you will be "deportees"

--Woodie Guthrie


Chet Scoville at The Vanity Press and an affiliate of Progressive Bloggers calls attention to the revelation in the Washington Post that deportees are being filled with anti-psychotic drugs as part of a "pre-flight cocktail" even though they have no history of mental illness.

The links on this story repay following. The WaPo story itself is three pages long with an additional glossary, an archive of documents (including a multimedia archive) and A Closer Look At 83 Deaths

"Based on confidential medical records and other sources, The Washington Post identified 83 deaths of immigration detainees between March 2003, when the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency was created, and March 2008."

This is going to be hitting the fan for a long time to come. These cases are closer to home than Bagram Air Force Base, Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo, or black sites where detainees are farmed out to states operating as torture contractors; it is wider-ranging than alleged Islamic jihadists charged with nothing.
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Wednesday, May 07, 2008

Thomas Friedman, The democratic recession, NYT, May 7, 2008.

The term “democratic recession” was coined by Larry Diamond, a Stanford University political scientist, in his new book “The Spirit of Democracy.” And the numbers tell the story. At the end of last year, Freedom House, which tracks democratic trends and elections around the globe, noted that 2007 was by far the worst year for freedom in the world since the end of the cold war. Almost four times as many states — 38 — declined in their freedom scores as improved — 10.

What explains this? A big part of this reversal is being driven by the rise of petro-authoritarianism. I’ve long argued that the price of oil and the pace of freedom operate in an inverse correlation — which I call: “The First Law of Petro-Politics.” As the price of oil goes up, the pace of freedom goes down. As the price of oil goes down, the pace of freedom goes up.

“There are 23 countries in the world that derive at least 60 percent of their exports from oil and gas and not a single one is a real democracy,” explains Diamond. “Russia, Venezuela, Iran and Nigeria are the poster children” for this trend, where leaders grab the oil tap to ensconce themselves in power.


Bourque calls this "High Oil Fosters Petro Dictators." This is not "market failure." It's market dysfunction, i.e., the market operates according to principles which make it, far from an "invisible hand" that inevitably guides us in directions we need to go; on the contrary, we may need for the market's invisble hand to be slapped from time to time. Left alone, the market will provide all the motivation necessary for corruption and other forms of criminal behaviour.

There are some other caveats that need to be made here. Several NGOs employ very subjective methodology without the kind of challenge that once was traditional in academic circles. Freedom House is one; Transparency International, another.

Amnesty International was once open to the criticism that they directed their campaigns against say non-OECD countries. That has changed. But a similar systemic criticism of TI's bias against small time corruption compared to the blind eye it turns toward multi-billion dollar corrption in the US raises questions about where else.

I call these "methodological" because they are pervasive. Like attitudes, they reproduce themselves in human organizations where they are then able to grow like compound interest.

Definitions of democracy remain contested, all the more since the critical US/EU sabotage of the Hamas election (2006). Much remains to be seen in the wake of the Maoist victory in Nepal. Liberal (capitalist, shock) democracy is clearly just one kind. Freedom is great, but greed is not good.

So identifying Russia, Venezuela, Iran and Nigeria as dictatorships while the US, UK, Israel and Turkey are lauded as democracies raises serious questions among the spectators who stand to lose the most from these prejudices--not because we own them but because we are subjected to them. All the signs indicate that our grand children will bleed to preserve them.

Meanwhile, what about Kazakhstan? Equatorial Guinea? Saudi Arabia? Turkmenistan is about gas more than oil, but then so is Russia.

Americans like to be able to say things like "there is no more disgusting leader in the world today than Mugabe." But what does that give you? It provides one of the chief apologists for Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and the Iraq disaster (to mention just a few) with some undeserved moral altitude.

Welcome to the ditch, Thomas. The time may be coming for the US to learn a little humility. It has never been an American virtue. It may just be that the world needs humility from the US even more than it needs democracy.

Read the rest of Friedman's argument =>
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Sunday, April 06, 2008

Egyptian government arrests opposition candidates

Reuters Africa (Apr 4 08) reports that Egyptian security forces have detained 30 members of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood just days ahead of Egypt's local council elections.

More than 300 members of Egypt's largest opposition group have been detained since last Tuesday (April 1, 2008) in the run up to elections on April 8.

According to Egyptian security forces, the men were accused of belonging to a banned group and possessing anti-government literature.

The Muslim Brotherhood, which was founded in 1924 by Hassan El-Banna, has officially been banned since 1954. Nevertheless, it operates openly and holds a fifth of the seats in the lower house of parliament through members elected as independents.

According to Amr Elshoubaki, a political analyst with the Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, the Brotherhood "seems determined to reach power by promoting itself as a peaceful political force aimed at bringing about reform through gaining public support." (Al-Ahram 28 Feb-5 Mar 08).

Mohamed Badia, one of the detainee who sits on the 15-member executive committee of the Brotherhood, says that the group seeks an Islamic state through non-violent and democratic means.

Seats on local councils are important because independent candidates for the presidency need endorsements from 140 members of local councils as well as support from members of both houses of parliament.

Elshoubaki says, "While the clampdown might have dealt a heavy blow to the Muslim Brotherhood's hierarchy and disturbed its finances, the group has managed to utilise its ordeal to gain public support through its media campaigns."

Human Rights Watch, which has called the recent Brotherhood arrests a "shameless bid" to fix the upcoming elections, estimates that more than 800 members of the party have been detained without charge in recent weeks.

Amnesty International expressed concern that “many of those arrested and detained may be prisoners of conscience held for the legitimate exercise of freedom of expression and association” (IHT Apr 4 08).

Egyptian courts have issued hundreds of rulings in recent weeks obliging the government to accept the candidacies of Brotherhood members, but authorities have ignored the rulings. Amnesty also criticized detention of supporters who protested against the authorities’ refusal to implement administrative court decisions

The Muslim Brotherhood's commitment to democracy and nonviolence has been challenged; the Islamic Action Front in Jordan and Hamas in Palestine are generally understood to have been created and to some extent staffed by Brotherhood members.

On the other hand, just two weeks ago, AFP reported that the Egyptian government released 33 members of Hamas who had been detained after crossing from the Gaza Strip. (AFP Mar 23 08)
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Wednesday, March 26, 2008

André Carrel, "Audi Alteram Partem : Obamamania," Democracy & more, March 7, 2007.

The problem with elite accommodation … is that the opinions of the elites too often do not reflect the opinions of most citizens. — Judy Rebick

Barack Hussein Obama has impressive academic credentials. Just ten years ago when he was a freshman member of the Illinois State Senate, Obama stood on the sidelines of political power. His ascendancy from Obama who? to the position of front-runner for the presidential nomination for the Democratic Party stands in stark contrast to the politics of privilege and connections that befoul the democratic ethos not only in the United States but in many democracies, including Canada, its provinces, and municipalities.

In his keynote address to the 2004 Democratic National Convention Obama told his audience that people do not expect government to solve all their problems and that with a change in government priorities people could be given a chance at solving their problems. The promise of change is synonymous with the man and his politics. His frequent references to change do not flow from polling or market analysis; change is at the core of the politics he has practised consistently in his work as community organizer and legislator.

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Tuesday, November 06, 2007

FEATURE
"Challenging the 911 orthodoxy: a review of 'Zeitgeist,'" November 6, 2007.



Zeitgeist is a movie that challenges what it calls the 911 Myth.

The 911 Myth: 19 Hijackers, directed by Osama B. Laden, took over 4 Commercial Jets with box cutters and, while evading the Air Defense System (NORAD), hit 75% of their targets. In turn, W. Trade towers 1, 2, & 7 collapsed due to structural failure through fire in a “pancake” fashion, while the plane that hit the Pentagon vaporised upon impact, as did the plane that crashed in Shanksville. The 911 Commission found that there were no warnings for this act of Terrorism, while multiple government failures prevented adequate defense.


The film proceeds to dismantle this myth piece by piece.

[clip Zeitgeist - no warning signs]

But these familiar voices are members of the Bush Administration, not the Keen-Hamilton commission. Actually, the Executive Summary of the 911 commission says that quote “Islamist extremists had given plenty of warning that they meant to kill Americans indiscriminately and in large numbers.”

The Zeitgeist version of the so-called 911 myth clearly mis-represents this finding of the Keen-Hamilton commission.

Strangely, Parts I and III of the film are not about the events of 911 at all, even though the film's website does say that "he most important issue is exposing 9/11 and thus exposing government sponsored Terrorism."

Part I is a religious discussion that concludes after about 40 minutes that Jesus Christ didn't exist. Anyone familiar with James Frazer's Golden Bough will recognize an argument that is similar except that it lacks the complexity and subtlety of the original. The Zeitgeist narrative consistently modifies and distorts the multi-faceted history of numerous mythologies to favour its own predetermined conclusion.

A local correspondent sent me an Australian blog article on Zeitgeist with 300 comments:

One of these comments finds the religious part of Zeitgeist "particularly misleading" Using the example of the Egyptian god Horus, this writer points out that the story is complex. Horus was an Egyptian god from the earliest times of Egyptian civilization. "There is no single story of Horus." Horus "took on many different forms and characteristics." There is no reason to believe that Horus was born to a virgin, that there was a star in the east at his birth, that he was adorned by kings, that he was a teacher at the age of 12, that he was baptized and began a ministry at 30, that he had 12 disciples and travelled about performing miracles such as walking on water.

The writer concludes by asking, "Why is it that the left is just as bad as the right at churning out pure propaganda?"

However, the 911 truth research too is more complex than this. Zeitgeist cannot be easily dismissed as either Democratic or left wing. Some of its analysis is decidedly right-wing, such as the link to Ron Paul's campaign for the Republican presidential nomination. Opposition to the North American Union, which is a left-of-centre issue in Canada is a far-right issue in the US.

The discrepancies I have called attention to are not terminal failures in the argument as it might be presented by others. But they do cast serious doubt on the ability of the Zeitgeist narrator to understand the facts and present them fairly. The version of events presented, not as an alternate hypothesis, but as 911 truth goes like this.

Criminal Elements within the US Government staged a “False Flag” Terror Attack on its own citizens, in order to manipulate public perception into supporting its agenda.

They have been doing these for years.


911 was an inside job.

What does it mean to say that 911 was an inside job? Who are the suspects? Who are the witnesses?

Unfortunately, the suggestion that it was Bush and the Washington neoconservatives has yet to take itself seriously. Imagine Paul Wolfowitz or Richard Perle putting on coveralls to spend their weekends cutting through the innermost beams of the World Trade Center and planting explosives. That version of the inside job has a lot of heavy lifting, yet no heavy lifters have been named, no blue collars. For that matter, the naming of names does not even include someone with skills as practical as a courtroom lawyer or frontline negotiator.

In an era when an unprecedented number of generals and intelligence analysts have stepped forward to denounce the War in Iraq, why is there not a single patriotic technician stepping forward to blow the whistle on another phony story by the Bush Administration? The absence of a whistleblower suggests uncommon loyalty for a project whose victims are not in any sense enemies of the US. That doesn't mean that it wasn't "an inside job." But there are some significant gaps in the data.

The neocons are bureaucrats and academics who normally work with squads of middle managers between them and the operational level. Not impossible, but not likely either. Let's just make a note that our suspects might be a large, highly disciplined group with a big budget and an uncertain, but absolutely committed, moral profile. Does that describe Blackwater or DynCorp or one of the other privatized military corporations? I don't know.

A second "inside job" scenario is that 911 was a media fabrication anchored by a bare bones operation in the real world. This might account for a different set of discrepancies such as the two airliners which Zeitgeist alleges did not fly into the WTC. Maybe they were airbrushed in. This implies a different line of inquiry and raises, at the least, a question about why those planes were necessary to the operation at all.

A third version of "inside job" would be a mole or even a leak. That would account for the parallel simulations in both the US and UK (somewhere else?) In fact, war games are not such well guarded secrets as you might think.

[clips: Zeitgeist - orchestrated by the state (complete with the melodramatic sound effects)]

As the first speaker says, a similar parallel simulation occurred on 911. Loose Change, an earlier movie on the same theme as Part II of Zeitgeist, lays out a chronology and gives detail that is less manipulated to fit the desired conclusion. In Loose Change, the simulation is not "exactly the same." The plane is a "small corporate jet." [Loose change - o god i don't know ]

In war, as in other games, there is a finite number of plays. Is it possible that someone planning a set of simultaneous attacks could wait to establish the timing and specific targets of those attacks until a publication like Army Times or a journal of the War College announced a certain type of war game simulation for a particular period?

The question that this raises is one that psychologists call locus of control and it forces us to recognize that all three scenarios challenge more than just Zeitgeist's "911 myth". They challenges the vision that we ordinarily have of the role of government, and that leads directly to the critique of globalization. But where do Zeitgeist and the 911 truth movement belong? The peace movement? anti-globalization? democratic reform?

Viewed as a discovery process or an exploratory attempt to establish the truth, the so-called 911 truth movement has been partly successful. It has challenged the orthodox view of the events of 911 01. It exposed discrepancies in the official version and raised an urgent question about what really happened.

However, it has not established a clear and plausible answer to that question.

Viewed as a discovery process, the 911 truth movement has a lot of clues and not much evidence. There is still a lot of homework to be done, one hopes with more attention to details like who said what.

However, considered as an exercise in political mythology, the 911 truth movement may be the only option on the current scene capable of mobilizing that 30-35% of registered voters who stay at home on election day, not out of apathy as the establishment would like to think, but as the only means available to give a corrupt and dysfunctional political system the bird. But that is a possibility for another day.

The search terms for the blog's Hot Topics have been changed to “US India nuclear” and “123 agreement” which is the name the deal goes by in India and “Hyde Act” which a US law requiring an annual certification by the US President, which, the Left in India says, is not superceded by the 123 deal and 123 agreement Canada. Unlike previous topics, this one is being widely followed in media outside the US, especially in India and among those who follow the nuclear issue. The Times of India, the Economic Times, Mumbai's Daily News and Analysis, The Hindu, the Chandigarh Tribune all had articles last week. A new American news aggregator called New America Media (aka New California Media) had a story as did the World Nuclear News. Nothing else here.


This article is published by James Terral under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge with attribution for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. Commercial media must contact me for permission and fees. Some postings on this site are published under different terms.

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Tuesday, October 16, 2007

FEATURE
"Democracy deteriorating," October 16, 2007.

The crisis in governance generally and democracy in particular is so widespread that it's difficult to exaggerate either its breadth or its depth. Effects of war, poverty and displacement dominate the daily lives of Somalis at the expense of the effort to install a western-supported government representative of most of the factions in the country; in Iran, student opposition takes on the ruling elite; in Ukraine and Serbia slim majorities and old guard parties jockeying for power continue to characterize the political landscape; and of course Burma where the military government has arrested a fresh group of protesters.


As scandals flowing from the privatization of military operations spread to Afghanistan, Canada is re-militarizing after a decade or more of darkness that began with events known in Canada as the Somali Affair. Afghanistan doesn't offer much in the way of positive accomplishments as a basis for this new gush of military enthusiasm. But that hasn't stopped the Canadian Forces or the CBC from joining hands in airing an 18 minute promotional feature that almost certainly had approval if not its origins in the Prime Minister's Office.

Brian Stewart: Canada's military has taken the fact of distant war to sell itself as rarely before. ... This has become part of one of the greatest military promotion efforts in Canadian history. ... Operation Connection, a campaign-style effort to further mobilize national support .... But Operation Connection is also out to re-shape the very way that Canadians view their military....a little-understood and highly-skilled sales campaign to "sell the mission," "sell rearmament."

Brian Stewart, CBC Tv's chief correspondent regularly goes “inside the mission.” There doesn't appear to be any support for going anywhere else. So nearly all of the information about the Canadian Forces comes from within the warm embrace of its own knights-on-white-horses-helping-the-world vision of itself.

The emphasis of this mini-documentary, aired two weeks ago on the National, is not on the war or on winning the hearts and minds of Afghans. The target is us and how we see the war.

Even though Stewart dismisses low approval ratings in Quebec as “no worse than in Europe” at 30%, someone is clearly worried.

Evidently the troops are restive too. While Canadians romanticize their peacekeepers, Stewart portrays Canadian soldiers as longing for a return to their roots in the world wars.

Stewart: But here too officers stress that soldiers have returned to their original purpose, a fighting military, not just a global police force, and one linked to the dedication of generations gone by (Other: There's nothing comparable to the situation today unless we go all the way back to the Second World War...)

Afghanistan may not seem like World War Two to you and me. It's hard to believe that the troops see it that way either. But that's what Stewart puts out there.

When Chief of Defence Staff Rick Hillier turns out to be a better communicator than former Minister of Defence Gordon O'Connor—and he was—and arguably a better communicator than Harper—where then does the center of gravity lie in a well-constituted democracy.

General Lewis Mackenzie, former senior UN commander in the Balkans, cuts to the heart of the issue.

MacKenzie: Combine that with a barracks popularity and being a soldier's soldier and his ability apparently to control the politicians around him--his political masters--it's a masterful performance that only worries you if you are concerned that the military is evolving almost beyond political control.

If that were all, it would be a difficult enough dilemma, but perhaps no crisis. Unfortunately, it's not all.

Canadians will be happy to learn that they can make a difference in Burma, but they might not be happy about how. The British NGO Burma Campaign names five Canadian companies active in Burma (aka Myanmar) on its “dirty list”. The list includes contact information and stock market symbols for the companies so it can be used by campaigners, investment funds and individual investors, and you can view it on the World Report blog at worldreport (alloneword) dot see jay elle wye dot enn eee tea.

The complete list concentrates on companies with a British presence, but includes outfits headquartered in Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, the Netherlands, New Zealand, the Russian Federation, Singapore, Switzerland, Thailand, and the US as well as Canada.

Contact information includes email addresses and stock market symbols. Write the company and ask them to use their influence with the Burmese government to end the violence and release the protesters. Urge them to withdraw. Consider selling your stock in these companies. Be polite. You are not helpless.

If they suggest that they can exercise more influence by staying in the country, ask them if that's how they exercise their influence in Canada.

Burma Campaign UK reminds readers that two days after her release from house arrest in May 2002, Aung San Suu Kyi stated quote “I don’t think we have found evidence that sanctions have harmed the Burmese people, because they have been clearly limited and many of those who have suffered under sanctions have belonged to the business community. Naturally some ordinary employees have been exposed, but we have not yet found proof that large numbers of Burmese have suffered as a result of sanctions. Sanctions have a role to play because they are a strong political message. But also because they are an economic message.” quote

Here are the companies.

CHC Helicopter Corporation
CHC Helicopter Corporation, a Canadian company, is the world’s largest provider of helicopter services to the global offshore oil and gas industry. It has aircraft operating in more than thirty countries around the world including Burma where it has supported offshore operations of international oil companies operating in the country.

Ivanhoe Mines
Ivanhoe Mines is a Canadian mining company with very close links to the regime in Burma. As the largest foreign mining investor in Burma it operates the Monywa Copper mine in a joint venture with the regime. Rail and power infrastructure in the area of the mine was built using forced labour. The mine could be earning the regime over $40 million a year.

Jet Gold Corp
Jet Gold Corp is a Canadian mining company. Its major focus is searching for gold in Shan state in Burma.

Leeward Capital Corp
Leeward Capital Corp are a Canadian mining company. They are in a joint venture with the regime to mine and export amber.

Taiga Consultant Ltd
Taiga Consultant Ltd is a Canadian geological consulting firm. Taiga has an office in Burma and works closely with the regime exploring for base and precious metals.

The Burma Campaign also publishes a “clean list” of companies that have withdrawn from Burma or refuse to buy or sell Burmese products. The Bank of Nova Scotia is on that list.

MPs urged the Martin government to reign in Canadian companies engaged abroad in questionable activities. Not that mining is a questionable activity, but under the circumstances, just being there is questionable.

Canadian Government policy on these matters is to encourage companies to abide voluntarily to a code of corporate social responsibility. If you are writing a letter to one of these companies, I'll bet you can get them to spill some ink if you ask them what corporate social responsibility means to them. But what should the role of our government be in such circumstances, corporate social responsibility being another “toothless old hag” like the UN. It's a governance issue, and part of a growing crisis within liberal democracies.

Speaking of which, let us not forget the Iacobucci Inquiry. Frank Iacobucci is the former Canadian Supreme Court justice in charge of the secret Inquiry into the role of the Canadian government in the torture of detainees Abdullah Almalki, Ahmed El Maati and Muayyed Nureddin. It is seen worldwide as an example of justice in a democracy, and no one in their right mind would want it. Each of them has already been detained for longer than would have been an outrage had it occurred in Nigeria or Iran. Each has been tortured in Syria, one of them in the same prison as Maher Arar, and another in Egypt as well. We are not investigating isolated cases, but a regular practice. Even moderate suspicion suggests that “national security” is used too often as a cover for wrong doing and outright criminal behaviour.

Which adds to the sense of democracy in crisis, and the corresponding public debate is feeble indeed.

It is Nureddin who says—though neither the CBC nor the Toronto Star sees fit to repeat it: “Today it is we three; tomorrow it could be you.”

This article is published by James Terral under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge with attribution for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. Commercial media must contact me for permission and fees. Some postings on this site are published under different terms.

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Friday, October 12, 2007

"Canada on the Burma Campaign's 'dirty list,'" October 12, 2007.

Canadians will be happy to learn that they can make a difference in Burma, but they might not be happy about how. The British NGO Burma Campaign names five Canadian companies active in Burma (aka Myanmar) on its “dirty list”. The list includes contact information and stock market symbols for the companies so it can be used by campaigners, investment funds and individual investors.

The complete list concentrates on companies with a British presence, but includes outfits headquartered in Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, the Netherlands, New Zealand, the Russian Federation, Singapore, Switzerland, Thailand, and the US as well as Canada. Contact information includes email addresses and stock market symbols. Write the company and ask them to use their influence with the Burmese government to end the violence and release the protesters. Urge them to withdraw. Consider selling your stock in these companies. Be polite. You are not helpless.

Burma Campaign UK reminds readers that two days after her release from house arrest in May 2002, Aung San Suu Kyi stated “I don’t think we have found evidence that sanctions have harmed the Burmese people, because they have been clearly limited and many of those who have suffered under sanctions have belonged to the business community. Naturally some ordinary employees have been exposed, but we have not yet found proof that large numbers of Burmese have suffered as a result of sanctions. Sanctions have a role to play because they are a strong political message. But also because they are an economic message.”


CHC Helicopter Corporation
CHC Helicopter Corporation, a Canadian company, is the world’s largest provider of helicopter services to the global offshore oil and gas industry. It has aircraft operating in more than thirty countries around the world including Burma where it has supported offshore operations of international oil companies operating in the country. CHC trades on the Toronto Stock Exchange under the symbols FLY.A and FLY.B; and on the New York Stock Exchange under the symbol FLI.CHC.
CHC Helicopter Corporation
4740 Agar Drive
Richmond, BC
V7B 1A3
Canada
Email: communications@chc.ca

Ivanhoe Mines
Ivanhoe Mines is a Canadian mining company with very close links to the regime in Burma. As the largest foreign mining investor in Burma it operates the Monywa Copper mine in a joint venture with the regime. Rail and power infrastructure in the area of the mine was built using forced labour. The mine could be earning the regime over $40 million a year.

Robert Friedland
Ivanhoe Mines
World Trade Centre
Suite 654-999 Canada Place
Vancouver BC
Canada V6C 3E1
Email: info@ivanhoemines.com

Jet Gold Corp
Jet Gold Corp is a Canadian mining company. Its major focus is searching for gold in Shan state in Burma.
Robert L Card
President
Jet Gold Corp
1102 - 475 Howe Street
Vancouver, BC
Canada V6C 2B3
Fax: 00 1 604 687 7848
Email: info@jetgoldcorp.com

Leeward Capital Corp
Leeward Capital Corp are a Canadian mining company. They are in a joint venture with the regime to mine and export amber.

Managing Director
Leeward Capital Corp
Unit 4, 1922 – 9th Avenue SE
Calgary, Alberta T2G 0V2
Canada
Email: president@leewardcapital.com

Taiga Consultant Ltd
Taiga Consultant Ltd is a Canadian geological consulting firm. Taiga has an office in Burma and works closely with the regime exploring for base and precious metals.

Managing Director
Taiga Consultants Ltd
No 4, 1944 - 9th Avenue SE
Calgary, Alberta T2G 0V2
Canada
Email: taigaltd@taiga-ltd.com

The Burma Campaign also publishes a “clean list” of companies that have withdrawn from Burma or refuse to buy or sell Burmese products. The Bank of Nova Scotia is on that list.

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Tuesday, September 25, 2007

FEATURE
"Crisis in democracy," September 25, 2007.

Back in early August, Amos Asa-El, former executive editor of the conservative Jerusalem Post and now a lecturer at the Shalem Center's Institute for Philosophy, Politics and Religion wrote about Bush, Olmert and Abbas that “Paradoxically, the more the three's political flames wane, the more their diplomatic opportunity shines.”

This great wisdom interested me because on the same day and subject I had written that “The key to understanding the widespread scepticism about this so-called new hope for peace lies in the weakness of all three leaders” and concluded

“If all this seems to tarnish the bright new hope for peace, it is best to remember that peace itself is one of the imponderables. In 1973, Richard Nixon negotiated the end of the Vietnam war. That's still hard to believe.”


Asa-El, too, was reminded of Richard Nixon and reasoned, hopefully, that “all this weakness ... creates clout as all three men ... have little left to lose.”

In other words, peace might break out as a last resort when three of the planet's most unpopular and least successful leaders finally reach the end of their rope.

This is hardly exhilarating, but it is hope. In contrast to the limited capacity of the superpower's gigantic military to impose its will without resentment, some developments do run in the other direction.

Chief among these is what appears to be a breakthrough in the six-party talks with North Korea.

After a two-month recess, diplomats from China, the United States, Russia, Japan, South and North Korea--aka the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK--will resume negotiations from Sept 27-30--that's Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday of this week.

China, which has hosted these meetings since 2003, announced the decision to call this session after consulting with all parties involved.


Casualties in Afghanistan so far this year are somewhat lower than they were last year. The much-anticipated Taliban spring offensive did not occur.

Nicholas Stern's 700-page report calling climate change "the greatest and widest ranging market failure ever seen" (Oct 30 06), concluded that disaster could be avoided by relying on market-based economics.

While the Science magazine study of species loss concluded that at present rate no more viable fish or invertebrate species would be available to commercial fisheries by 2050. The results also showed that these trends are still reversible.


As trends that counter the declining influence of the sole superpower, these are more conditional than those in the opposite direction, awaiting as they do some appropriate and decisive action on the part of political classes that have produced the crisis in the first place. Hardly a cause for celebration.

The Chinese anti-satellite weapon tested in January and the Israel-Lebanon War of 2006 were not simply additions to a long line of events tending to demonstrate a weakened superpower.

The Chinese ASAT is to the struggle for dominance in space what the improvised explosive device is in Iraq and Afghanistan. A simple war with crude explosives could put enough high-speed debris in space that any program dependent on geosynchronous orbit or beyond would cease to be feasible subject to the cleanup of all space junk larger than a peanut.

The war in Lebanon accomplished for Israel what Iraq and Afghanistan did for the United States, the UK, Canada and to some extent the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Germany. Instead of achieving geopolitical objectives abroad, or security at home, these wars aggravated domestic divisions, especially putting the military and its leadership on the defensive at home.

Hezbollah turned out to be an unexpectedly resilient and capable military. With financial help from Iran, after the war ended, this so-called terrorist organization moved immediately to help Lebanese people rebuild their homes—while the Israeli government still cannot protect the people of Sderot from rocket attacks and have not recovered the captured soldiers said to be the reason for the war in the first place.

Homeland Security's continued bungling of the response to Hurricane Katrina provided yet another contrasting image if one were necessary.



Arguably, these security failures come from the same package of values and policies as the market failures in the climate and oceans.

The apparatus of economic freedom was used to create the illusion that science sees climate change induced by human activity as a 'great debate' and not an advancing disaster” (World Report Dec 11 06).

In agriculture, the Doha round of WTO negotiations is failing because the very richest countries refuse to give up fat subsidies to their own farmers who still believe they cannot survive without access to foreign markets.

Economic dominance of institutions like the IMF and the World Bank is beyond challenged, is in well-deserved decline because of failures in Asia, Mexico, Russia, Argentina, and now the rapid subprime debt-driven devaluation of the dollar, which suggests that this much-anticipated discontinuity is ultimately part of the demise of the beast.

China, Venezuela and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have emerged as alternate sources of development funding. Rich countries tax their citizens to insure their companies abroad against currency problems and a host of other economic and political hazards. It's called Export Credit Agencies.

The security crisis is also an economic crisis and a political crisis. It is a crisis in legitimacy—not just the pseudo-governments in Afghanistan and in Iraq, in Lebanon, in Palestine, not just in the United States because of questionable elections and the instantaneous breaches of civil liberties in the wake of 911, but in the IMF, and the other financial institutions of neoliberal globalization. Every meeting of these organizations confirms to their global membership that they are not run democratically and are not prepared to sacrifice anything for the values which they expect the rest of the world to live by.

It is also a crisis in sovereignty. What does sovereignty mean in Afghanistan where even the boundary with Pakistan is not accepted, foreign aid replaces taxes and investment as sources of income? In Canada, sovereignty is a major issue—in the Arctic, at Montebello with the Security and Prosperity Partnership/North American Forum/ North American Union nexus of events, and among separatists in Quebec. The crisis of sovereignty among indigenous peoples has erupted repeatedly in the Grand River area and as a reaction to the Conservative non-budget for First Nations and the abrogation of the Kelowna Accords.

Finally, institutionalized conflict of interest contributes to the crisis in democracy.

Listeners may recall that World Report devoted some nine weeks of the last year to military refusal and institutionalized conflict of interest in both Canada and the USA.

Conflict of interest is often presented to the public as if it were mainly an exotic issue of perceptions and could be fixed by delivering a different spin. But the real crime in conflict of interest is a mixture of betrayal and deceit.

Spin can't fix it.

If the hope for peace and/or survival of the US as the sole superpower depends on three leaders concluding that they have nothing to lose, then it has to be said that some bad moves do remain.

A new set of elections in Palestine is being actively discussed. Hanan Ashrawi supports the idea but assumes that Hamas would participate. Still a vocal group of Palestinians, Israelis and Americans promotes elections from which Hamas would be excluded.

Exterminating Hamas is not on the path of peace and reconciliation. Today, elections without Hamas would only prove that Fatah and its sponsors in the US and Israel are afraid of real democracy and that faith in the democratic process is, as Osama bin Laden apparently said last month, misplaced.

Air raids on madrassas in the Northwest Provinces and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan is another bad idea waiting for sufficiently desperate political busybody to get behind it. Such a tactic would certainly feed that country's democratic crisis--as regards both legitimacy and sovereignty—and raise questions about what the US has against elections.

Of course, attacking Iran is the most desperate folly currently on the public international agenda. Iran is a