Masthead graphic based on a painting by Gudrun Thriemer.

Hot Topic

Loading...
Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 01, 2008

Syed Jamal Asifkhel, "Over a dozen wounded as police fire on anti-NATO protestors," RAWA, June 14, 2008.

NATO officials claimed eliminating five Taliban insurgents and a woman in an operation but locals accused the foreign troops of killing 15 civilians including six children.


GARDEZ: More than a dozen protestors suffered injuries as police fired to disrupt a peaceful demonstration against NATO operations in the southeastern province of Paktia, residents and officials said on Saturday.

Hundreds of residents of the Zurmat district took to the streets Saturday morning to denounce what they called irresponsible NATO sweeps in the restive province. The demo largely remained peaceful in demanding an end to collateral damage in inaccurate military operations.

Lashing out at a NATO bombardment of a civilian house in the Shamalzai area of the district two days back, the demonstrators chanted full-throated slogans denouncing Afghan and foreign forces.

Read the rest here =>
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Sunday, June 29, 2008

"Senegal ALERT: Broadcasters attacked by Senegalese police," Media Foundation for West Africa, June 23, 2008.

[Stories like this one, and others at the Media Foundation for West Africa (among other places), might make a person wonder why Canadian human rights aristocrats--like Stephen Harper, Mark Steyn, and Ezra Levant--restrict their issues of choice to those that provide maximum public relations leverage. Did I just answer my own question?

Ironists will appreciate that Léopold Sédar Senghor, after whom the stadium where these journalists were beaten, was a poet and a creator of the négritude concept, which rejected French colonial racism and emphasized the importance of dialogue between cultures. He was also the first president of Senegal. There were real human rights heroes long before governments and their grinders ever thought about trying to catch the bandwagon. -jlt]

Two sports journalists were brutally beaten by Senegalese police at Leopold Sedar Senghor Stadium, Dakar on June 21, 2008.

The journalists, Kara Thioune of West Africa Democracy Radio (WADR) and Babacar Kambel Diang a reporter for the private radio station Radio Futurs Médias (RFM), were punched, kicked and beaten with electric batons.

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) sources reported that the journalists were at the stadium to cover a post-match press briefing. Outraged by their presence, the policemen attacked, handcuffed and detained them for about half an hour, before taking them away to the hospital for medical attention.

The source said Thioune bled profusely.

Another journalist, Frank Sainworla escaped the attack.

Meanwhile, the journalist union, Union of Information and Social Communication Professionals (SYNPICS) and RFM intend to take legal action against the police for these unjust attacks.

The MFWA supports the SYNPICS and RFM proposed actions. We condemn the arbitrary use of force and call on the authorities to curtail the rising incidents of violence against journalists in Senegal.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email : mfwa@africaonline.com.gh
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Saturday, June 28, 2008

"Prime Minister Harper receives international human rights award," Ottawa, June 27, 2008.

[Suddenly Stephen Harper is a human rights superstar--alongside Mark Steyn and Ezra Levant, no doubt. Admittedly, Harper is the first of these new, instant heroes to champion some rights other than his own, and without much recourse to hyperbole or name-calling, too. That is probably one of the benefits of having a well-paid staff to implement his iron-fisted information policy. The press release treats the Chinese Head Tax Compensation Scam as strictly unmentionable--and with good reason. It was shamefully cheap and late. Never mind the shortage of women in his cabinet, abrogation of the Kelowna Accord, his government's silence on the Omar Khadr affair. Praise of the PM's courage, sacrifice, great personal risk, or even dedication was noticeably absent from the report. In fact, the his celebrated "actions" appear to fall mainly into the comfy "words, not deeds" category. Add water and serve. Much remains to be seen. -jlt]

from The Galloping Beaver by Alison
Prime Minister Harper receives international human rights award :

"the B’nai Brith International President’s Gold Medallion, in recognition of the Government’s efforts to fight discrimination and uphold human rights in Canada and around the world."

In presenting the award, the B'nai Brith international president cited four "actions the Prime Minister and the Government have taken to advance human rights and oppose discrimination".

Of the four, two concern support for Israel, one is "unequivocally supporting Canada’s role in the UN-sanctioned mission in Afghanistan", and the fourth is ... the fourth is "delivering a heartfelt apology" to the First Nations.


Irony is not available for comment at this time.

=====The full list added by World Report

"...the first non-American president of the organization, cited a number of actions the Prime Minister and the Government have taken to advance human rights and oppose discrimination, including:

# Unequivocally supporting Canada’s role in the UN-sanctioned mission in Afghanistan;

# Refusing to sign a resolution denouncing Israel’s right to self-defence at the 2006 Francophonie Summit;

# Suspending relations with the then Hamas-led government in Palestine, for its refusal to renounce terrorism; and

# Delivering a heartfelt apology acknowledging the overtly discriminatory Indian Residential Schools program."

Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Thursday, June 05, 2008

"Where nobody is acting like a decent human being, try to be a decent human being," Rabbis for Human Rights.

Dear Friends and Supporters,

Some of you sent me messages of support after I spent a night in jail recently, and you asked me how you could be of help. You can. Please read on to find out how. In fact, your involvement may make all the difference whether or not we are able to stop the extreme right wing group, "Elad," from causing further damage to Palestinian homes as they irresponsibly and unprofessionally carry out archaeological digs in the middle of the populated East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan. As I indicated in the essay I wrote after my night in jail ( also see blog entry by RHR-NA Executive Director Rabbi Brian Walt and RHR-NA's website entries about Silwan),

[
Rabbis for Human Rights-North America
http://www.rhr-na.org/
]

we are taught in Pirkei Avot, "Where nobody is acting like a decent human being, try to be a decent human being." (2:6). All too many people who know that something terribly wrong is taking place are staying silent because of Elad's money and political connections. We need your help to sign a petition to stop the archaeological work until it can be done safely and to find archaeologists who will stand up for the ethics of their profession. Just as the coalition seeking to stop the use of "moderate physical pressure" brought 5 prominent international jurists to sit in the front row when the Israeli High Court heard arguments on the matter and ultimately outlawed these practices, we believe that archaeologists respected by the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) can influence the IAA to do the right thing. Just as the Israeli High Court decision on torture ultimately was to Israel's credit, we believe that stopping the excavations in Silwan until proper measures are taken to stop the damage to roads and homes can only improve the IAA's reputation in the archaeological world.

Background

Because the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan is considered by many to be the City of David, an extreme right wing group, Elad is dedicated to trying to "Judaize" the neighborhood. They buy homes, sometimes legally, and sometimes illegally. Many of the legal sales are carried out through straw men to hide the real identity of the buyer, to put pressure on individuals with a secret to hide, etc. Incomprehensibly, the National Parks Authority has given Elad almost total control over what is one of the most sensitive and important archaeological sights in the region. Technically it is the Israel Antiquities Authority that is carrying out the excavations, but everything is funded (and apparently dictated) by Elad. If the Second Temple era tunnels that most likely connect Silwan to the Temple Mount/Dome of the Rock are opened up in an insensitive way, the region could explode. As a human rights organization, Rabbis for Human Rights (RHR) is involved because the excavations are being carried out in a way that has caused roads to cave in, cracks to appear in homes, etc. The Israeli High Court has frozen one site until it hears the case, but work at other sites continues.

RHR is one of several organizations that is working to stop the archaeological work until proper steps are taken to safeguard the homes. Neither we nor the residents are against archaeology, and one of the most important groups in our coalition is a group of Israeli archaeologists, which includes Dr. Rafi Greenberg from Tel Aviv University. However, both Jewish and archaeological ethics teach us that people take precedence over archaeology. We believe that the important excavations in this neighborhood could be carried out by responsible bodies in a way that would involve and not harm the residents, as was the case before Elad was given control. It is key that archaeologists who are known and respected by the Israel Antiquities Authority contact the IAA so that the many archaeologists, whom we understand know that something is terribly wrong but have been hesitant to do anything about it, may finally do the right thing. Dr. Greenberg's group has created a petition.

Additional information you might need can be found at the website of the Israeli archaeologists, www.alt-arch.org. The media and information section has quite a number of articles, and you can view both the petition and a list of people who can be contacted directly (reprinted below). Anybody who is ready to take a stand now can sign the petition, but we think that it would be at least as powerful to make, in a more neutral way, an inquiry to the Israel Antiquities Authority as to whether the excavations in Silwan are being conducted according to professional ethics and standards, what can be done about damage to homes, why a non-professional organization such as Elad has effective control over the excavations, etc. In addition to the list below, archaeologists should contact those whom they know personally in the IAA.

Do not hesitate to contact us if you have further questions. We would, of course, be willing to answer them, as would Dr. Greenberg and the other Israeli archaeologists involved. Please contact us at info@rhr.israel.net

[
info AT rhr.israel.net
]

to let us know which archaeologists you have contacted and what the response is. We also need copies of all correspondence between archaeologists and the IAA and notification of all oral communication.

Thank you in advance for your help in restoring professional and Jewish ethics to Israeli archaeology.


CONTACT LIST

Professor Benjamin Kedar,
Chairman of the Israeli Antiquities Authority Board,
bzkedar@mscc.huji.ac.il

Shuka Dorfman,
director of the Israeli Antiquities Authority,
shuka@israntique.org.il

Ghaleb Magadla,
Israel's Minister of Science, Culture and Sport,
minister@most.gov.il
or
amikamk@most.gov.il
or
liatg@most.gov.il (spokesperson for the Ministry)

Tsipi Livni,
Israel's Foreign Minister,
sar@mofa.gov.il

Professor Mike Turner,
Israel World Heritage Committee,
turnerm@013.net.il

Daniel Bar-Eli,
Secretary General, Israel UNESCO Committee,
barelid@int.gov.il
or
unescoil@education.gov.il

David Korbluth,
Ambassador to UNESCO,
israel-unesco@paris.mfa.gov.il

B'Vrakha (In Blessing)
Rabbi Arik Ascherman
Executive Director
Rabbis for Human Rights
http://rhr.israel.net/
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Tuesday, June 03, 2008

Hicham Yezza deportation delayed

Sunny at Pickled Politics (UK) provides these links to updates about the Nottingham student busted for knowing too much about the enemy. There was a brief reference to a new case of Canadian rendition mentioned last night on the Vancouver 11 o'clock news (CBC), but it seems to have never appeared on the CBC website.

Channel 4 News reports that Hicham Yezza, who was arrested on terrorism charges and then due to be deported because the bloody police wanted to avenge their own stupidity, has won a legal delay. There’s also a recent interview in the Guardian: ‘This is not the way I should have been treated in a country I love’. Amen to that, brother.
The bloggers trying to prevent his deportation are also trying to stop another Nottingham resident/asylum seeker being deported. More on that also on Indymedia.

Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Monday, June 02, 2008

Brendan O'Neill, "Is the Dalai Lama a religous dictator?" spiked, May 20, 2008.

[In May of this year, Brendan O'Neill, editor of spiked published an article on the Dalai Lama's relatively recent attack on the "heresy" of Dorje Shugden worship. -jlt]

[...]

In March 1996, the Dalai Lama decreed that the worship of Dorje Shugden was ‘evil’. In what is believed to have been part of an internal power struggle in his fiefdom-in-exile in Dharamsala, northern India, the Dalai Lama ordered all worshippers of Dorje Shugden to leave his temple on 21 March 1996. A week later, on 30 March 1996, the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies (the parliament in exile) passed a resolution banning the worship of Dorje Shugden by Tibetan government employees, and the Private Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued a formal decree for everyone to stop practising the Dorje Shugden prayer. The New Internationalist reported that the Lama’s office wrote to every monastery in northern India and Tibet demanding that they ‘ensure total implementation of this decree by each and everyone… If there is anyone who continues to worship [Dorje Shugden], make a list of their names, house name, birth place… Keep the original and send us a copy of the list.’ (1)


‘After the Dalai Lama’s decree, anyone who continued to follow Dorje Shugden got it in the neck’, Pema says. By 1998, two years after the Dalai Lama described Dorje Shugden as ‘evil’ and instructed monasteries to collect the names of those disobedient Buddhists who continued worshipping it, an Indian human rights lawyer, PK Dey, had collected 300 statements from Tibetans in exile in India who had been either threatened or attacked for failing to comply with the Dalai Lama’s orders. ‘Those worshipping Shugden are experiencing tremendous harassment’, said Dey. ‘This is not in any particular part of the country but everywhere there are Tibetans.’ (2) In December 1996, one 72-year-old woman, Sonam Bhuti, whose family had worshipped Dorje Shugden for generations, reported to the Office of the Notary in Delhi (a civil law institution) that Tibetan officials had ransacked her and others’ homes, ‘forcibly taking out the idols and paintings [of Dorje Shugden]’ and ‘burning’ and ‘breaking’ them (3).

[...]

Read the whole article here =>
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Saturday, May 24, 2008

Cops run amok in Nottingham too

[At the very least, here lies another story on the "Democracy in retrograde" theme. Further, it seems yet another theme, entertained intermittently in the aftermath of 911, is emerging as a strong contender. But first, today's story, from the Lenin's Tomb blog, posted by CopyLeft. -jlt]

A number of people have brought this shocking story to my attention. An MA student at the University of Nottingham named Rizwaan Sabir and a 30 year old academic, Hisham Yezza, were arrested by armed police under the Terrorism Act 2000, and held for six days without charge. The student downloaded a supposed 'Al Qaeda' training manual from a US government website as part of his dissertation on 'Islamic extremism'. I will just mention that there is some doubt as to the document's provenance, which is proliferating in different variations all over the internet. Rizwaan forwarded it to a friend in the Department of Engineering for printing because he couldn't afford the printing costs (1,500 pages at what I guess is 5 pence a page is seventy give quid). Someone, somehow, saw this material on Yezza's computer and, thanks to the culture of prying and snitching encouraged by the government and right-wing media, assumed the worst and told the University authorities. The authorities, instead of checking with the student or staff in question, or even making a roundabout preliminary investigation, called the police. The pair's homes were raided and their families harrassed during the six days of detention. The pair were released on 20 May, but Hisham Yezza was subsequently re-arrested on an unrelated immigration issue and is now at Colnbrook detention centre awaiting deportation to Algeria. The Guardian writes:


'Of his detention, Sabir said: 'I was absolutely broken. I didn't sleep. I'd close my eyes then hear the keys clanking and I would be up again. As I realised the severity I thought I'd end up in Belmarsh with the nutcases. It was psychological torture.

"'On Tuesday they read me a statement confirming it was an illegal document which shouldn't be used for research purposes. To this day no one has ever clarified that point. They released me. I was shaking violently, I fell against the wall, then on the floor and I just cried.'"



All of this because the student downloaded a publicly available document in the context of properly directed research. The University authorities had every reason to be aware of the nature of that research and could easily have checked all the relevant facts before ratting on one of their students. So, should this material be banned for the purposes of study? Why don't you have a look at it and tell me? If the US Department of Justice website removes the document for any reason, you can always see it here and here. In fact, the Pavilion Press have published a version which you can purchase via Amazon. If this is an illegal document, as the police appear to have told this student, the cops haven't done much to block access to it. It's probably one of the most easily obtainable documents in the world. I frankly suspect that they were [making shit up] relying on an excessively liberal interpretation of some law that would usually not be applied to retrospectively justify the arrest. And how dangerous is it? Not enough to stop the US government making it available for public consumption.

Read the rest, including a press release from students and staff, here =>

[Films like "Loose Change" and "Zeitgeist" acknowledge several "official" versions of the 911 events, one based on quotations from officials, another based on the findings of the federal investigative committee, the Kean/Hamilton Commission. If nothing else, the so-called 911-truth films establish that neither official version has any merit at all. However, the cherished notion that "911 was an inside job" is far from proven.

It always seemed to me that a proper investigation should have begun with a brainstorm to establish a broad map of possible interpretations, of which "inside job" would be just one.

To that brainstorm, I offer another version of events I call "shooting in the dark." In this version, clarity has taken time to emerge. But even before the dawn of September 12, the real danger would be clear, i.e., that the "war on terror" had already been lost. That was Jean Chretien's immediate concern.

The US government's response to the events of 911 would be stereotypical and altogether predictable in practically every way. There would be no debating or negotiating with bin Laden. There would be bloodshed in the grand Old Testament tradition, enough to create a story to eclipse the real story. The military would be mobilized at last.

The real story is that Afghanistan was small potatoes. Radical Muslims could go to Afghanistan for inspiration and contacts and a bit of training in how to handle an explosive. But the real training went on in Germany and the US. No one really wants to discuss what that implies.

US officials and everyone under the influence of their massive media reach would prefer believe that Osama bin Laden was "responsible." But the 911 attacks had been planned, coordinated and executed by a relatively independent cadre operating largely on a very small budget with money largely out of their own pockets. The low-budget, low-tech aspect of the operation is part of its genius.

The significance of the attacks is not the amount of physical damage that they did or the number of deaths. Their true significance has been in their power to create over time a lasting demonstration of democracy's weakness precisely within the city on the hill, and within the hearts and minds of those elected to use it for its own protection.

The reason Bush returned to the story about the goat with such a silly look on his face for such a long time was to let his pants dry. He knew immediately that the terrrists were after him. He was in their sights. Did he dare climb in an airplane? Where could he run to? He was terrified.

The eventual response, beginning with the American's but spreading rapidly to the NATO countries, was to begin shooting in the dark. They didn't know who the enemy was and still don't. But they know there's one out there, and they know that shooting first and asking questions later was something the good guys always did in the comics.

Would they sacrifice some human rights and some democracy to get shooting? You bet. Their response has been a very successful recruiting campaign for Al Qaeda and a vastly expanded arena for on the job training in the handling of explosive and other realistic skills.

I personally have no desire to get on an airplane and have it blow up before I get to my destination. I hope with all my heart that a strategy can be devised to bring the probability of such an event as close to zero as reasonably achievable. However, for nearly seven years, the probability in question has been going through the roof. Political leaders, whether on the right or on what remains of the left (or is left of the remains), can't sacrifice human rights and democracy fast enough. And they want more troops. They seem congenitally constrained by an inability to countenance the merits of talk and other forms of nonviolence though they firmly demand it from the enemies they have made and continue to make.

There are thousands of examples to support "shooting in the dark" as a hypothesis superior to "inside job." These events in Nottingham are the most recent in a long series. -jlt]Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Friday, May 23, 2008

Praful Bidwai, "Top Activist's Detention Blot on Democracy in India," IPS.

NEW DELHI, May 15 (IPS) - Protests are mounting all over the world against the year-long detention of Dr. Binayak Sen, a distinguished Indian human rights and health activist, under draconian laws in the central state of Chhattisgarh.

Sen, national vice president and Chhattisgarh general secretary of the well-known People's Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL), was arrested under allegations of helping left-wing extremists, known in this country as Naxalites.

The charges shocked human rights organisations and citizens’ groups, which on independent investigation, have found them totally fictitious. They believe that the Chhattisgarh government filed them to harass Sen and set a horribly negative example for all civil liberties activists and intimidate them.

Sen is probably India’s first human rights defender to have faced such prolonged detention.

Sen’s detention raises serious questions about the content and quality of democracy in India, and the state’s failure to respect liberties and fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution. It also points to links between human rights violations and the government’s social and economic policies.

[This article provides numerous points of entry into an understanding of the Adivasi movement in India, the program of the Salwa Judum paramilitaries, the Naxalites who are their targets. It goes on to describe global vigils and demonstrations on behalf of Dr Sen, and a campaign by 22 Nobel Laureates to have him freed. Anyone who sees India as a rising global power and the world's largest democracy will likely find this article interesting. Praful Bidwai writes a regular column for Antiwar.com.

Read the rest here =>

The People's Union for Civil Liberties is the largest and oldest human rights organization in India. Their most recent article about Dr. Sen

See also =>

Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Friday, May 09, 2008

PhotoPhormations, "Banished in Burma," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Issue 32.1, April 1, 2008.

Attacks on indigenous people outside of Rangoon go largely unreported by the media. This 12-page pdf presents a collection of photos taken in the Karen state in 2007 along with a written introduction.

The Mon, Shan, Karen, and Karenni people are particularly targeted by the the Tatmadaw (the Burmese military). The Free Burmese Rangers train groups to provide medical relief, counselling, and aid to the internally displaced.

See the photos, read the intro =>
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Tuesday, April 08, 2008

David McNeill, John Junkerman, Li Ying, "Freedom Next Time. Japanese Neonationalists Seek to Silence Yasukuni Film," Japan Focus, Newsletter No. 14.

Neo-nationalists have shut down a Chinese-directed movie about Japan’s controversial war memorial Yasukuni, the latest in a string of incidents threatening freedom of expression in Japan.

Its name translates as “peaceful country,” millions have silently prayed there for an end to wars, and for much of the year the loudest sound is the buzzing of insects and the shuffle of old footsteps to the hushed main hall. Yet Yasukuni Shrine, which occupies a single square kilometer of central Tokyo, is one of the most controversial pieces of real estate in Asia, resented by millions who consider it a monument to war, empire, and Japan’s unrepentant and undigested militarism.

A decade ago when Chinese director Li Ying began filming there he didn’t know what to make of his mysterious subject either. Today, as he watches the official Tokyo launch of his two-hour movie “Yasukuni” go down in flames amid death threats and cancelled screenings, he says the shrine symbolizes a “disease of the spirit” in Japan. “That I haven’t been able to leave this issue alone for the last ten years means that I too am suffering,” explained the 44-year-old Guangdong native.

The full article includes photographs =>
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Sunday, April 06, 2008

Egyptian government arrests opposition candidates

Reuters Africa (Apr 4 08) reports that Egyptian security forces have detained 30 members of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood just days ahead of Egypt's local council elections.

More than 300 members of Egypt's largest opposition group have been detained since last Tuesday (April 1, 2008) in the run up to elections on April 8.

According to Egyptian security forces, the men were accused of belonging to a banned group and possessing anti-government literature.

The Muslim Brotherhood, which was founded in 1924 by Hassan El-Banna, has officially been banned since 1954. Nevertheless, it operates openly and holds a fifth of the seats in the lower house of parliament through members elected as independents.

According to Amr Elshoubaki, a political analyst with the Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, the Brotherhood "seems determined to reach power by promoting itself as a peaceful political force aimed at bringing about reform through gaining public support." (Al-Ahram 28 Feb-5 Mar 08).

Mohamed Badia, one of the detainee who sits on the 15-member executive committee of the Brotherhood, says that the group seeks an Islamic state through non-violent and democratic means.

Seats on local councils are important because independent candidates for the presidency need endorsements from 140 members of local councils as well as support from members of both houses of parliament.

Elshoubaki says, "While the clampdown might have dealt a heavy blow to the Muslim Brotherhood's hierarchy and disturbed its finances, the group has managed to utilise its ordeal to gain public support through its media campaigns."

Human Rights Watch, which has called the recent Brotherhood arrests a "shameless bid" to fix the upcoming elections, estimates that more than 800 members of the party have been detained without charge in recent weeks.

Amnesty International expressed concern that “many of those arrested and detained may be prisoners of conscience held for the legitimate exercise of freedom of expression and association” (IHT Apr 4 08).

Egyptian courts have issued hundreds of rulings in recent weeks obliging the government to accept the candidacies of Brotherhood members, but authorities have ignored the rulings. Amnesty also criticized detention of supporters who protested against the authorities’ refusal to implement administrative court decisions

The Muslim Brotherhood's commitment to democracy and nonviolence has been challenged; the Islamic Action Front in Jordan and Hamas in Palestine are generally understood to have been created and to some extent staffed by Brotherhood members.

On the other hand, just two weeks ago, AFP reported that the Egyptian government released 33 members of Hamas who had been detained after crossing from the Gaza Strip. (AFP Mar 23 08)
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Sunday, March 16, 2008

B. Raman, Revolt in Tibet: Likely Implications in Arunachal Pradesh, Chennai Center for China Studies.

The Government of India has adopted a two-pronged policy in relation to the outbreak of a revolt in Tibet in protest against the continued occupation of Tibet by China and the violation of the human rights of the Tibetans by the Chinese.

2. It has prevented the Tibetan refugees in India from indulging in activities which might result in acts of violence or disruption directed against Chinese nationals and interests in India and in dramatic acts such as their professed intention of crossing the border into Tibet, which could lead to an undesirable escalation of cross-border tensions. At the same time, it has expressed its distress over the situation in Tibet and called for a dialogue so that the Tibetans don’t feel the need to take to acts of violence in their desperation. A spokesman of the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India said on March 15,2008: , “We would hope that all those involved will work to improve the situation and remove the causes of such trouble in Tibet, which is an autonomous region of China, through dialogue and non-violent means.”

3. This is the right approach— expressing our moral support to the Tibetans in accordance with our national interests without identifying ourselves with the attempts of anti-China activists in the West—particularly the US— to exploit the continued alienation of the Tibetans and their desperation to create embarrassment for China before and during the Olympic Games in the hope of thereby achieving their own foreign policy goals in matters such as greater Chinese pressure on North Korea on the nuclear issue and on the military junta in Myanmar on the issue of the restoration a of genuine democracy and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

[...]

[Raman warns that] if the revolt further deteriorates and if the Chinese find themselves facing a situation where the choice is between saving their hold on Tibet and saving the Olympics, they would not hesitate to give priority to the suppression of the Tibetans. Their behaviour with relation to Arunachal Pradesh could become unpredictable.

Read the whole article =>

Related articles by the same writer =>
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Tuesday, March 11, 2008

More free speech

Speaking in Canberra today, Dutch Defence Minister Eimert van Middelkoop played down any threat to coalition military forces in Afghanistan as a result of an anti-Islamic film soon to be released by a Dutch MP.

The documentary, Fitna, by right-wing MP Geert Wilders, describes the Koran as an inspiration for murder and probably will not be as dangerous to troops as debate about the mission in Canada.

Recall Canadian Chief of Defence Staff General Rick Hillier's firm position at the end of February: "I'm not going to stand here and tell you that the suicide bombings of this past week have been related to the debate back here in Canada, but I also cannot stand here and say that they are not."

Middelkoop said the Dutch Government had embarked on a round of diplomacy in the Islamic world to denounce the film, but this is not evident yet in the press.

Last month, 17 Danish newspapers decided to reprint the same 12 cartoons mocking the Prophet Mohamed that were published in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in late 2005. Al-Ahram columnist Fahmy Howeidy commented that "The West does not respect Muslim countries in general. But it also cherishes freedom of expression above all else, because it has lost touch with anything holy."

Enjoy your rights.


Creative Commons License


This article is published by James Terral under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge, wholly or in part, with attribution and for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. Commercial media must contact World Report worldreport (at) cjly dot net for permission and fees. Some postings on this site are published under different terms.
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Wednesday, January 09, 2008

One standard for Mark Steyn and David Ahenekew

Rex Murphy avoids the issue when he compares the Mark Steyn case to that of the young Saudi woman who was gang-raped and then charged and sentenced. The issue there is what Canadians should do about human rights abuses in foreign lands. (Not going well in Afghanistan. Worse in Iran. We are pretty much irrelevant in Saudi Arabia.) We would do well to remember that our own Canadian version of blaming the victim in such cases as rape may be dead, but so recently that it's still warm.

If we should ever regain our healthy consideration of matters that are our own business and no one else's, then Mark Steyn's case might one day be compared to some other internal Canadian matter. Before he started writing for the new Maclean's, Steyn was perhaps better known for his snotty tone than for his extensive collection of stories documenting Islamic abuse of human rights. In my opinion, if a journalist like Steyn, with his hard-earned, and predictably-disputed reputation for soft-core racism is deemed to be exercising "free speech", then a respected indigenous leader like David Ahenekew's should have his Order of Canada restored.


Creative Commons License


This article is published by James Terral under a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge, wholly or in part, with attribution and for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. Commercial media must contact World Report worldreport (at) cjly dot net for permission and fees. Some postings on this site are published under different terms.


For example, this site contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. World Report makes this material available in order to advance understanding of the issues by reporting, reviewing, and criticizing relevant public statements.

Canada's Copyright Act specifies in sections 29.1-29.3 that “fair dealing for the purpose of criticism, review, or news reporting does not infringe copyright if the following are mentioned:
(a) the source; and
(b) if given in the source, the name of the
(i) author, in the case of a work,
(ii) performer, in the case of a performer's performance,
(iii) maker, in the case of a sound recording, or
(iv)broadcaster, in the case of a communication signal.
Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Monday, June 04, 2007

FEATURE
"Black land, white lies," June 2, 2007.

The climax of Katherine Grenville's, The Secret River, makes it clear that something about Australia's blacks is central to this novel. In much the same way it has been suggested the main character of Mark Twain's Huckleberry Finn is the Mississippi River.

Such a notion may seem far-fetched at first. None of the novel's aboriginal characters is named. For most of two lengthy chapters, situated first in London and then in Sydney, they do not even appear.

They have several important conversations with William Thornhill, who is clearly the narrative's central focus. But Thornhill and the blacks do not speak one another's language. “A conversation had taken place,” the narrator tells us. “There had been an inquiry and an answer. But what inquiry, which answer?” (197)

Even so, the failure to communicate is a high point in their relationship that takes some getting to. Fifty pages earlier we are told of William and his wife Sal that quote “Neither of them ever mentioned the blacks. They had not been seen since the first day. He felt sometimes that they might not exist if no one said the words: the blacks” (152).

The children are not tempted by the same denial. On the way to their new home up the secret river, we hear this exchange between Thornhill and his son.

“There be any blacks where we're going, Da?” Dick asked.

“No son, I ain't never seen a single one.”

Strictly speaking this was true, he reminded himself, but in Sal's silence he heard her knowledge that the blacks did not have to be seen to be present” (128).


The adult Thornhill is more drawn to the land as “a place of promise to him now, the blank page on which a man might write a new life” (130).

Grenville could easily have succumbed to the stereotype of British criminals, exported to Australia where they continue their lives of crime, stealing from the aboriginals.

But it isn't about guilt. Although Thornhill is a convicted London thief who works his way out of bondage in the New South Wales penal colony, Grenville uses the magic of narrative to go beyond the stigma of that early crime.

The “something about Australia's blacks” I referred to at the beginning, as central to the theme of the novel, may really something about Australia's settler society that is not exactly about guilt.

The difficulty of talking about this projection of the settlers' loneliness and feelings of emptiness testifies to the remarkable achievement of Grenville's book.

As a reader, I found it enriching to recall the Australian High Court's landmark decision that 15 years ago this week overthrew the 17th century idea that Australia was empty at the time of white settlement.

Here several other narratives intersect with The Secret River. First is the story that Gail Mabo tells about her father Eddie Mabo whose name is associated with that High Court decision.

My first impressions of the struggle for social justice and human rights was of my father sitting at the kitchen table in a blue haze of cigarette smoke, writing. I was eight and at the time I did not understand what he was trying to achieve. All I wanted to know was why he was awake at 2 o'clock in the morning and why he wasn't tired.

As I grew older I used to sit with my father and he used to explain what he was doing and why he was doing it. He always talked about his home, Mer, and how the land on the island would be ours when the time came. My father believed in fighting for his rights through the help of his family, the indigenous communities and the legal system. His political struggle and fight for recognition was reflected in the projects he undertook and the goals he set for himself.

His fight for the rights of Torres Strait Islanders was to involve him in a range of activities and representing Torres Strait Islanders in the islands, including Mer, and on the mainland of Australia.

[...]

In 1967 my father began work as a gardener at James Cook University. While working there he meet Professor Henry Reynolds and was given the opportunity to present lectures on Torres Strait Islander culture and political issues.

My father used to talk with Professor Reynolds about the land that his family owned on Mer. During one of their talks Professor Reynolds said to my father "Look, you do appreciate, don't you, that although in your view this is your land, it's actually all Crown land. According to white Australian law, you don't own any land on Murray (Mer) Island".

This was the turning point for my father when he realized that his ancestral land no longer belonged to his family under Australian law. Imagine if the government told you that the house your family live in and the land they live on does not belong to you.


In fact a similar discovery is what leads to Thornhill's crime while he and his wife Sal are in London.

It doesn't matter, Gail Mabo continues, “that your family has always lived on that land. It doesn't matter that you know the land is yours. Your land is owned by the government because the law says so. What would you do?

[In the novel, settler Thornhill ends up stealing, not out of anger, but out of need to provide for his family. -jlt]

In reality, Eddie Mabo and two other men from the same island mounted a test case against the state of Queensland.

Ten years of litigation later and five months after Eddie Mabo's death in 1992, the Australian High Court ruled that the continent was not unoccupied at the time of white settlement, that Australia was occupied by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who had their own laws and customs, and whose 'native title' to land survived the Crown's annexation. The court denounced the doctrine that the land belonged to no-one known by the Latin phrase terra nullius which was contemporary with the events of The Secret River.

The judges referred to a “national legacy of unutterable shame” and said that use of the terra nullius to “dispossess, degrade and devastate Aboriginal peoples” was “the darkest aspect of the history of this nation,” adding that quote “the nation as a whole must remain diminished unless and until there is a acknowledgement of and retreat from those past injustices.”

The idea that the land was unoccupied was not unique to Australia. More than half a million square miles of Kenya was sold off to Europeans on the premise that no one lived there. Many early Zionists viewed mandatory Palestine as a “land without people for a people without a land.” Many people to this day view Canadian land north of sixty as essentially empty.

Grenville herself has said, quote “The subject matter of The Secret River is so important, and so politically charged, I didn't want readers to be able to say oh, it's only a novel - she just made it all up. The events and characters in the novel are adapted from the historical record. These things really did happen on our frontier, even if at a slightly different time and in a different place.”

A measure of Grenville's accomplishment in The Secret River is that she has made this exotic legal doctrine as palpable as a character. But don't take my word for it. Here is an episode that takes place after the Thornhill family has arrived at it's new homestead and a life of freedom.

“The hundred acres Thornhill had decided to call his own encompassed all the fertile soil near the river and ended where the ridge began. It tilted up from the gentle slope of the point as sudden as the side of a roof, bristling with canted shards of rock and thick with trees that twisted into the sky.

“The first few weeks of their residence were taken up with backbreaking labour: digging, scrubbing out bushes, hacking at saplings. Under the daily ministrations of the boys, the corn was coming on apace. Thornhill thought this farming was turning out to be a simple business. Food grown from his own hand! He laughed aloud at the idea, bent to feel the leaves, smooth and cool between his fingers.

“It was not until he had Willie at work on the new corn patch and had cut the twenty saplings that he calculated were the minimum to start the hut, that he allowed himself to climb the ridge. He was looking forward to it: Thornhill's spread out under him, the corn patch stamping a square on the wildness. It would be another way to posses the place, to look down and think everything I see, I own.

“But the way up was blocked at every turn by great bulge or overhang of mouse-grey stone. A man set against that was nothing more than an ant toiling up and down until he was swallowed. He began to feel too small for the place but forced himself on, climbing over rocks and through bushes and sprays of tough trass. He could hear himself wheezing. His hand was wet with blood where he had taken ahold of that grass to pull himself up a steep pinch.l Its leathery blade had cut him as clean and private as a knife.

“In the end he had to turn back and settle for the platform of flat rock that ran around the base of the ridge like a step. Above him the page of the sky opened out, scrawled with cloud. The cliffs glowed orange in the late sun. Below him the thumb was laid out plain, the river to right and left of it. He could see Sal, made small by distance, bending over the washtub on her makeshift table, and Willie leaning on his pick when he should have been digging another yard of corn patch.

I see you, Willie, Thornhill said out loud. By God, lad I see you there.

His voice had no resonance in this air. He cleared his throat to cover the puny sound.

“An enormous honey-coloured ant ran out of a crack in the rock near his feet and zigzagged over it as if stitching it together running fast and high on its thready black legs, carrying along the shiny bulb of its body. It was the ant that made him notice that there was a line freshly scratched into the surface of the rock. At first he thought it a flaw formed by some natural action of water or wind. But the line joined another a little further along, and then another. Even when he saw that the lines formed the outline of a fish, his first thought was to admire the way nature could mimic a picture. It was only when he saw the spine on the fish's back, the exact fan of spikes of a bream, that he had to recognise a human hand at work.

“He walked the length of the fish, four or five yards. The lines were more than scratches: they had been grooved to a depth and width of an inch, standing out as bright against the grey skin of the rock as if carved that same morning. A bulge in the rock surface made the fish seem to be bending itself against a current, and its long frowning mouth could have been just about to open on its row of teeth.

“Towards the tail another cluster of straight lines and triangles half-overlapped the fish, a pattern that made no sense until he came around to look at it from the other side. Then he saw it was a picture of the Hope. There was the curve of the bow, the mast, the sail bulging in a good breeze. There was even a line that was the tiller, bending in over the stern. All that was lacking was William Thornhill holding that tiller, listening to the creak of the ropes and staring out into the forest on his way up the r4iver.

He heard himself exclaim, a high blurt of indignation. It was the same tone he had heard from a gentleman in Fish Street Hill when William Warner had lifted the watch out of his pocket.

The sound was swallowed up by the watching forest as if it had never been. With his foot scraped over the lines, but they were part of the fabric of the rock.

He looked around, but no one was there watching him, nothing but the eternal trees, and the air under them where the light was full of shadows.

It came to him that this might look an empty place, but a man who had walked the length of that fish, seen the tiller and tail of the Hope laid down in stone, had to recognise otherwise. The place was no more empty than a parlour in London, from which the master of the house had just stepped into the bedroom. He might not be seen, but he was there.

Far below him Sal straightened up from the dish and went over to the rope she had strung up by way of drying-line. He could not see the line itself, only the way the squares of the baby's napkins danced as she put them up one by one, and then hung still after she went back into the tent.

He would tell her about the fish, even bring her up to see it. But not yet. She was content enough in her little round of flattened earth: what was the good of showing her the other world beyond it?

“The thing about having things unspoken between two people, he was beginning to see, was that when you had set your foot along that path it was easier to go on than to go back.”


Camilla Cowley, a retired pastorlist, described her own personal journey of discovery and reconciliation to an Australian conference called Unfinished Business in 2005.

It begins in 1996 when the Gungarri People lodged a native title claim over her family sheep and cattle property, 'North Yancho' in South East Queensland.

"We sought out the Gungarri People,” she says, “because we wanted to find out who they were and you know where they had this idea that they had some connection to the land that we'd owned for 22 years and we'd never seen them. And you know we'd spoken to the previous owners who'd taken up the block in 1912 and they told us they'd never seen anyone either. So they were generous enough to just sit down with us and tell us their history. When Aunty Ethel first came back and told us, actually the words she used were, I feel the presence of the old people but I don't know whose old people they are. And it was a couple of months later that she finally discovered the documentation that her grandmother had been born on North Yancho, and she was so excited because the presence that she had felt was the presence of her own old people. So the program of gathering up and taking away began in the 1920s, 1930s. Some of the families were allowed to stay if the leaseholder said you know, we need them for the running of the property. But the actual living on North Yancho had ended a long, long time ago. But what I came to understand as I listened to, particularly the really older of the elders who have since passed on, they knew the country better than I did, but they hadn't been there in I don't know how many years, maybe 40 or 50 years they hadn't been there but they knew it so well. And they knew the stories that were connected to it. Aunty Ruby was one of the elders who asked me, and is the sandalwood still growing? And she described the area where they used to collect the sandalwood for the smoking ceremonies, and she remembered the last smoking ceremony before she'd been taken away to Cherbourg. The shame of Australia's history is that we had to find the traditional owners and sit down and ask them the history, I mean it's something we always should have known.

[...]

The most beautiful part of North Yancho is the flooded country, and the significance of that after the native title claim and the actual sitting down and talking to the Gunggari, was the fact that this flooded country had its headwaters up in the northern area of the Gunggari home country. And having listened to Uncle Gordon and others talk about it you know this idea that you couldn't have been here before white man because there wasn't permanent water and ridiculous things like that that you know just betrays your complete ignorance of the lifestyle of nomadic Aboriginal Australia. You know Uncle Gordon explained to me that we weren't like you, we didn't settle in large communities and completely denude the area. We moved with the seasons and of course they moved with the seasons down that watercourse and it was really interesting that after a lot of the fear had died out of the whole native title debate, and ironically it had died out of the native title debate for all the wrong reasons because they knew it was going to be legislated practically out of existence, people were able to be honest enough to tell me that when they had arrived there many, many years before there had been Aboriginal artefacts everywhere. So with Aunty Ethel and Aunty Ruby's stories, with the knowledge then that the house I was living in was built on a campsite that could have been god knows how many thousands of years it had been a campsite, because they said as they dug deeper to plant an orchard and to build a dam every deeper layer they went the more and more artefacts there were. So as I just rode around the property mustering then I wasn't just seeing the sheep and the landscape as I've seen it before, I was seeing how the Gunggari would have used it, how they would have wandered it. And it was one of the stories that was connected to it that became the theme of and even the naming of the nature refuge that became part of the Co-Existence document - so that was wonderful."


It may have been a cosmic coincidence that this anniversary comes in a week when Commissioner Sidney Linden released The Report of the Ipperwash Inquiry into the death of Dudley George who was shot and killed by an Ontario Provincial Police sniper on Sept. 6, 1995. It has also been a week that finds the Assembly of First Nations calling on all Canadians to stand together on June 29th and “insist that the Government of Canada respond to the crisis in First Nations communities.”

Big changes in the works for us all.

Back in 1969, Gary Snyder had this comment in an essay called “Four Changes:” If we are to remain on earth, we need quote

A basic cultural outlook and social organization that inhibits power and property-seeking while encouraging exploration and challenge in things like music, meditation, mathematics, mountaineering, magic, and all other ways of authentic being-in-the-world. Women totally free and equal....

Since it doesn't seem practical or even desirable to think that direct bloody force will achieve much, it would be best to consider this a continuing 'revolution of consciousness' which will be won not by guns but by seizing the key images, myths, archetypes, esschatologies and ecstasies so that life wont seem worth living unless one's on the transforming energy's side....


The Secret River can be understood in this sense, as a parable that takes possession of the most elemental images and meanings.

Snyder says that it starts with our own heads. Having so much of human culture and previous experience available to our study, and being free enough of the weight of traditional cultures to seek out a larger identity; we are the first members of an urban civilization since neolithic times "to look clearly into the eyes of the wild and see our self-hood, our family, there. We have these advantages," Snyder says, "to set off the obvious disadvantages of being as screwed up as we are...” (Four Changes, 1969).

Something to think about. Something to discuss. And something to do about it.

Digg This

Recommend this Post


More =>

Sphere: Related Content

Tuesday, March 13, 2007

FEATURE
"The detainees of Dukah," March 12, 2007.

or Why Somalia was the end of peacekeeping

The long shadow of Somalia keeps working its way into the news. Of late most awkwardly and obtrusively, while Defence Minister Gordon O'Connor and Chief of Defence Staff General Rick Hiller were defending Canadian troops against suspicions of wrong-doing.

Arguably more important was the story that gave rise to their remarks in the first place.

In very careful language, Amir Attaran, an immunologist and law professor at the University of Ottawa was calling for a public investigation into the situation of three Afghan civilians arrested by Canadian troops and turned over to the Afghan national police last April.

Attaran's concerns were based on documents he obtained under the Access to Information Act.

In an interview with CBC, Attaran says he received about 400 pages of “heavily censored” documents, including handwritten reports from Canadian military police in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar.

The documents describe three men who were arrested in the village of Dukah and brought to Kandahar Air Field by a single interrogator in a single day. The three had black eyes, cuts on the forehead, cuts on the eyebrows, and cuts on the cheeks. None of them had injuries to their lower bodies.

"While the military has admitted that the three prisoners in question did sustain injuries when in CAF custody, it maintains that these were the result of CAF personnel applying 'appropriate force' to capture one of the three and to subduing the other two, who were respectively 'non-compliant' and 'extremely belligerent,' after their capture.The military log, however, states that their injuries included lacerations on the eyebrows, bruises and swelling of both eyes, facial cuts, abrasions, and multiple bruises on upper arms, back and chest and that at least some of these injuries were sustained while the prisoners’ hands were tied” (Parsons WSWF Feb 16 07).

According to Attaran, “the men did not receive the usual medical examination that detainees get. The medical documents are blank.”

"It seems to me,” he said, “that if one interrogator has brought in three people in a single day with very similar injuries, this is something that merits investigation." (CBC Feb 6 07)

In an interview with the World Socialist Website, Attaran details the static he got from the Department of National Defence. When he asked a copy of the agreement that Canada had signed with Afghanistan concerning the transfer of detainees, he was told "it’s not public, I couldn’t have it." He says,

"Now I did persist and said, 'Excuse me, that agreement would be a treaty. It’s an agreement signed between two countries, ie., a treaty. Are you telling me Canada’s getting involved in secret treaties?' And I was told, 'No, no—its not a treaty.' And I said, 'Well as a law professor, I assure you, it is a treaty. I know what a treaty is, and this is a treaty, and it’s apparently secret.' And then all sorts of games were played defining it as 'an arrangement' rather than a treaty, which is nonsense. I mean they can call it potato salad if they like; it doesn’t change into anything other than a treaty.

"So initially, there was no disclosure. The document finally only became public because it was leaked. And within days of it leaking, all of a sudden DND put it on its website."


O'Connor and Hillier finally began to respond too.

Hillier said, “We learned many lessons from Somalia. One is responsibility of chain of command; one is thorough training and preparation, and policies that are in place.”

O'Connor said, “This isn't Somalia. Let's get the scale properly.”

But Canadians who followed the Somalia Affair day after day, if the case of the three detainees of Dukah village makes them think of Somalia at all, may be more inclined to recall the opening paragraphs of the Commission of Inquiry into the Deployment of Canadian Forces to Somalia.

It begins, unceremoniously, “From its earliest moments the operation went awry,” and goes on to place responsibility squarely on the leadership.

“Many of the leaders called before us to discuss their roles in the various phases of the deployment refused to acknowledge error. When pressed, they blamed their subordinates who, in turn, cast responsibility upon those below them. They assumed this posture reluctantly -- but there is no honour to be found here -- only after their initial claims -- that the root of many of the most serious problems resided with 'a few bad apples' -- proved hollow.”


Back in the present, the refusal to disclose that has become all too familiar during the Maher Arar Inquiry was compounded by outright ignorance.

On May 31, O'Connor told the House of Commons, "The Red Cross or the Red Crescent is responsible to supervise their treatment once the prisoners are in the hands of the Afghan authorities. If there is something wrong with their treatment, the Red Cross or Red Crescent would inform us and we would take action."

But Simon Schorno, a spokesman for the ICRC, told the Globe and Mail plainly, “"We were informed of the agreement, but we are not a party to it and we are not monitoring the implementation of it."

The ICRC also said that it would never divulge to Ottawa any abuses it might identify in Afghan prisons.

Amnesty International and the B.C. Civil Liberties Association have said that they are taking legal action to stop Canadian soldiers from handing over their prisoners in Kandahar to Afghan security forces.

But that hasn't taken the sting out of the news this month from Maj. Robert Bell, a senior operations officer for the Canadian National Investigation Service, who confirmed in a phone interview with the Globe and Mail that Military Police have been unable to find the three men Canadian troops handed over to Afghan National Police on April 8, 2006.

Then the Somalia Affair cast its long shadow again for the second time in as many weeks. Brian Stewart, senior correspondent at CBC's The National, was wrapping his special report on Col. Serge Labbe who had been the commander in charge in Somalia when Canadian peacekeepers tortured and beat to death Shidane Arone, a 16-year-old Somali boy they had trapped with food. The military leadership was criticized for trying to cover up the death.

Labbe has